Who is the Father of Telangana? Can Gaddar be Declared as the Father of Telangana?
Recently, while roaming in Hyderabad, in particular in the Tellapur zone and location, I came across a new development. There is an impressive statue of Gaddar, which was erected at a prominent junction in Tellapur. Who erected this Gaddar's impressive statue is unknown and in particular there are no details who inaugurated the same. Further, there is also no proper clarity, on whose land this statue is built and inaugurated? Is there a legal permission for this open exhibited activism in the form of Gaddar's statue erection is unclear! If there is a legal permission to build and erect Gaddar's statue then why no formal inauguration of this statue is not mentioned through a plaque citation affixed at the same venue? As there are no proper response to these fundamental legal questions, it is suspected that certain sections are into an open undisclosed activism in the name of Gaddar's identity projection and perpetuation at this location. Interestingly, this statue location is illuminated with lights, which inscribes Gaddar as the 'Father of Telangana'? How electricity is transmitted for this public activism? Is this statue publicly maintained by the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC) or Tellapur Municipality? If this statue location is maintained by the Tellapur Municipality or GHMC then did they officially claim Gaddar as the 'Father of Telangana'? If yes, on what basis, such a claim is made?
II
For those of you, who are unfamiliar about Gaddar's public credentials - he was a popular Communist party's ideologue and best known as a People's Balladeer. More significantly, from the mainstream society, he and his other associates were much recognised as backing banned Political Left outfit, Naxalites, who also changed their name as Maoists. Thus, from the mainstream society, Gaddar became a nexus to the banned undemocratic and unconstitutional Naxal platform, and the democratic State to negotiate as and when required. However, he later-on showed visible hybrid forms of political interests, associations and inclinations. While proclaiming his Naxal support base from the mainstream society, he also started to realise in a slow manner, the necessity to embrace, propagate and take forward alternative ideological variations like Ambedkarism, Dalit cause, necessity for formation of a separate Telangana State, etc. From caste perspective, Gaddar hailed from Scheduled Caste (SC) Mala community background. Though he had a formal stint in mainstream organised society base, as an educated engineering graduate from the prestigious Osmania University (OU), he worked for a while as a bank employee, and then he ultimately failed to lead an organised mainstream life. He chose to lead his life on behalf of banned Naxal outfit and was much attracted to spontaneously compose and tune songs upon observing nature, natural lives and atrocities against the marginalised people. In this regard, he also neglected his family life, i.e., wife and children and spent considerable life span in forest areas where Naxals were also hiding in exile. From the Marxist perspective, alienation of human beings from nature and natural production process was much Highlighted, critiqued and theorised. The same spirit of human alienation and associated difficulties faced by the human beings, especially by the marginalised sections was the focal literary spirited subjective theme for Gaddar's ballades composition.
Interestingly, the Political Left's ideology in the Southern Telugu region was much popular for a significant duration and was able to attract some social sections and capture notable seats even in the legislative assembly elections in a democratic mode. The Political Left in the Indian scenario should be understood in both democratic fold and radical banned outfit manner. Thus, in the Indian political discourse, two streams of Political Left operates. Gaddar became a bridge between varying section of the Political Left streams and later-on changed his political discourses also.
Though Gaddar had strong association with the banned undemocratic, unconstitutional and illegal Naxal outfit, he was increasingly embraced by different sections of the mainstream society, especially in the Telangana region. He became an icon as People's Balladeer. His songs became popular and even the professional and non-professional mainstream society was ready to recognise his organic intellectual abilities and capabilities in composition mode. By the word 'mainstream professional society', his popularity and literary abilities were much recognised even by the commercial units also, like the mainstream electronic media, commercial film fraternity, etc.
As part of leading an unorganised life, he was interested to associate with various peoples movements by voluntarily associating with them, if required. Further, he was also acting on behalf of the political calls of the Naxal movement. Naxal movement in India claims as an unofficial political party, which is not recognised by the Election of Commission of India (ECI). In fact, Naxal movement and leadership never showed respect and recognised the Constitution of India, has misbelief in democratic rule, and not believed in democratic polity. Rather, Naxls are interested to overthrow the Indian State and establish a despotic Communist State like on the lines of Communist China and the then Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Thus, they were under constant tussle with the Indian democratic and constitutional State.
III
Telangana movement became successful in a democratic manner, due to wide support it received from varying sections of Telangana society, which also got repeatedly reflected in democratic electoral modes. Gaddar, as a people's balladeer, extended his active support for the same cause and composed relevant and required literary tunes to songs and performed on public stages. Due to his increased popularity and embrace of democratic polity, various civil and political platforms further elevated his stature. At times, he was projected as a face of possible 'Social Telangana', incase separate geographical Telangana gets achieved. There was a huge tussle, for some significant duration, between the stand taken by Telangana Rastra Samithi (TRS) for immediate geographical Telangana formation versus those who feared and opposed against immediate georaphical Telangana formation, like those from the Dalit Bahujan sections. For the latter (sub) section, at some point in time, Gaddar became a possible face to project him as a potential leader for social justice based Telangana formation to nurture. Thus, the prime TRS leadership under Velama community was seen with suspicion and contempt for a while by certain sections of the mainstream Telangana society. However, all those who voiced and stood for Social Justice based Telangana, ultimately gave away and stood for immediate Social Justice based Telangana formation. Gaddar was also one among them.
There are different streams, which claim and embrace Telangana identity as their prime noble identity or as an idea nurtured by them or as strived for beyond leaps and bounds for a separate Telangana State formation. In this category, different sections recognise and attribute recognition to varied persons. For instance, TRS founder KCR, Prof Jaya Shankar, Prof Kodandaram, etc. are recognised to an extent. For instance, there are some sections, which wish to see Telangana achievement credit is exclusively credited to Prof Jaya Shankar, as he stood for long-standing ideological commitment and who also took enormous energies to mentor leaders like KCR to seriously take up the same cause. On the other hand, there are other sections who wish to give credit to KCR for achieving separate Telangana State (TS). In these open claims and perceptions, there are varying degress of genuine and hidden selfish motives also. For instance, some wish to see Telangana prime identity recognition is branded based on certain primordial identity basis like on caste lines, to secure the same identity to their caste person. KCR's projection to see as 'Father of Telangana' from Velama caste domain is one such instance. Gaddar's projection as 'Father of Telangana' is another stream. However, in the Indian federal political discourse, there is no legal recognition and accord of 'Father' status to anyone. For instance, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (M K Gandhi) has been propagated and projected as 'Father of the Indian nation-state'. However, in reality, it got proved that legally, no 'Father of the Nation' status was accorded to M K Gandhi at any point in time. Similarly, Dr B R Ambedkar has been much highlighted by the marginalised sections like the SC that he is the 'Father of the Constitution of India'. However, in reality, there is no legal standing and basis for much projection, claim, and propaganda.
IV
These kinds of propaganda techniques in claiming 'Father' status in the political realm represents certain (caste/social/political) sections wish to see and secure such a status to their perceived icon. Or wishes to build such an iconic projection in their community's person favour to perpetuate further on the same person's social identity projection and status gain. From this domain perspective, Gaddar's projected claim as 'Father of Telangana' should be understood. However, in the Telangana region, it appears such propaganda brand construction in favour of Gaddar could turn-out to be a difficult task, as Gaddar belonged to the Mala community, though Madiga community is highest among all the caste sections in the entire Telangana regions. Further, by and large and predominantly, Indian socio-polity claims, treats and projects Indian land with feminine identity, i.e., Mother Land / Bharat Mata. The indigenous cultures in India are mostly aligned in the same dimension, be it Aryan or Dravidian civilisations. However, masculine identity to the geographical political unity of a nation-state is predominantly a concept and socio-cultural phenomenon of Abrahamic religions like Christianity and Islam. Thus, attempted projections like M K Gandhi as the forged Father of Indian nation becomes secondary in this feminine socio-cultural identity. Or, Father of Indian nation-state and father of TS claims are political in origin, in addition to socio-polity and socio-cultural inclination to feminine identity of the geographical land. Thus, for the protection, promotion and strengthening of the feminine identity of the sacred political land, further consolidated political strives were enforced by the claimed and projected Father figures such as M K Gandhi, Ambedkar and Gaddar. However, these Father figures, as indicated earlier, lack constitutional and legal recognition and base.
Additionally, regional linguistic identities and forged geographical political identities like Andhra Pradesh and TS always claimed identity based on feminine base only, like forged construction of Telugu-Talli (Talli stands for Mother) and Telangana -Talli.
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